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Description
Brief Timeline of Khalifa Haftar's Operation Unity
Author: Dimitri Vasily - Northern Front
Date: 3rd August 2026
Introduction
On January 2nd, 2020, Prime Minister Fayez Serraj refused to abdicate after facing a motion of no confidence. In an already fragile state that threatens the capital, the General National Accord responded by broadcasting an ultimatum to the Presidential Council and its allies: Remove the Prime Minister from his office or face military intervention in the next 24 hours. Pro-GNA operatives organized a pre-emptive attempt to arrest him but failed due to his early departure to Tunisia.
The revelation of this conspiracy has spiralled Tripoli into mass protests, but many suddenly fled from the capital when it devolved into a series of bloody skirmishes. Pro-GNA and Pro-PC factions funnel into the streets as they begin to clash with each other, with stories of gunfights lasting for 72 hours. The crisis didn’t reach headlines until January 5th, when a journalist published photos of the devastated Martyr’s Square, with the refuse of dead soldiers and scorched trucks scattered throughout the scene.
The crisis coincided with Haftar’s trip to Ankara on January 4th, where he met both Erdogan and Macron to discuss the matters concerning Libya. While brief, the talks resulted in both leaders pledging their support for the Libyan National Army and recognizing Tobruk’s House of Representatives as the legitimate government. With the military and diplomatic support provided by two major powers, the marshal took advantage by hastily expanding his army’s capabilities.
As Western Libya begins to lose support from neighbouring countries, the LNA launched a massive military build-up on February 21st. Preceding Zaim’s reunification of Western Libya, Khalifa Haftar waged one of the largest military offensives in Libyan history. His takeover of the region will culminate into a short-lived but eccentric regime, eventually falling into chaos again after his death.
Strength of the LNA
In comparison to the General National Accord, the Libyan National Army has transformed from a ragtag coalition of loose soldiers and mercenaries to a professional force; capable of waging complex tactics and maneuvers at Khalifa Haftar’s behest.
Their numbers have exceeded from 80,000 to 110,000 men, in conjunction with his plans to take over the west. With this in mind, the LNA announced the formation of two divisions in hopes to serve as a shock element, simply named the 1st and 2nd Division. And despite the rhetoric against foreign influence, many foreign volunteers funnelled into the frontline to serve as auxiliaries, with the majority originating from Syria, Sudan, and Turkey.
With major countries providing the army with heavy guns and vehicles, most of their military are mechanized and capable of transporting troops from one city at another. Most of its heavy arsenal are requisitioned to the experienced divisions to reinforce their capabilities against the enemy defence. The brigades also acquired a token amount of tanks, while technicals and rugged IFVs took up the majority of its mechanized core.
The LNA’s greatest asset, however, lies over their experienced officers. Hardened by their encounters with Daesh forces in Sirte and pro-GNA tribal militias across Fezzan, their previous campaign produces commanders such as Khalid Ibn Khammas and Mahmoud Mustafa. Their history of ingenuity and decisiveness convinced Khalifa Haftar to assign them to Operation Unity, serving as commanders of the two new divisions.
Benefactors of Khalifa Haftar
The political fallout caused by Fayez Serraj pushed many countries to pivot towards Tobruk’s House of Representatives. Despite threats from the United States, the Libyan National Army receives generous support ranging from logistical supplies to foreign volunteers.
Being the earliest supporters of the LNA, Russia provided Haftar with heavy armour and mercenaries. Libya is one of the first countries to receive token numbers of T-14 Armatas: Albeit driven by Russian volunteers, 10 of these tanks were fielded to the frontlines to provide reports of their performance, with official accounts lauding its protection system and maneuverability. After testimonies of religious desecration by the Wagner Group reached headlines, they were quietly replaced with the Kadyrovites - Chechnya’s paramilitary forces and Ramzan Kadyrov’s personal army: Far more disciplined and religiously sensitive compared to their disorganized former.
Initially reluctant to support the LNA with military aides, Turkey eventually provided them with logistical assets and auxiliaries. They were notorious for volunteering the 3rd “Hawk” and 11th “Dragon” Squadrons, one of the first formalized formations of Turkish UAVs: their contributions are essential over operations across the Western Libyan theatre, disrupting enemy reinforcements and committing search-and-destroy missions against vital infrastructures. Turkey also provides foreign volunteers, but less reputable compared to their Chechen equivalents.
Despite the condemnations from countries such as Germany and the United States, France provided the LNA with intelligence and diplomatic support. Macron legitimized Khalifa Haftar and the House of Representatives in front of the 2020 World Economic Forum, with Erdogan and Putin supporting his statement. However, while denying any accusations of providing military support, local testimonies suggest sightings of French operators: one witness - a Burkinese fluent in French, describes a bunch of white tourists speaking in the same language, despite the evacuation of all French citizens in the country.
Timeline of Operation Unity
1st Wave (Feb. 25th - March 9th)
Operation Unity was launched on February 25th, starting its first wave towards both Bu Kammash and Tawergha. While facing no resistance in Al-Assa, the 1st Division faced its first encounter in the Battle of Zuwarah: the exchanges were brief, lasting for only 5 hours until the garrisons retreated to Sabratah. Mustafa’s 16th Infantry Brigade was greeted by tribal netizens of Wishtata on March 3rd, which abhorred GNA rule since the fall of Gaddafi. Khammas 2nd division secured the abandoned town of Tawegha by the end of March 9th, establishing a staging ground for their future offensive against Misrata.
In these first days of the operation, Turkish UAVs were instrumental in securing many towns and villages. Assisting Hussain's Division, the 3rd Squadron prevented GNA forces from relieving Zuwarah with reinforcements, allowing Hussain to easily capture Zuwarah. 11th Squadron also played a vital role in Khammas’ offensive towards Tawergha by preventing the approaching Misrata Brigade from taking over the town.
2nd Wave (March 11th - April 6th)
On March 11th, the LNA initiated a second wave to pressure the defending forces. Hussain’s 1st Division and a small detachment of Khalid’s 7th Infantry Brigade joined forces to capture Sabratah and Az-Zawiyah: Resistance was fierce as they suffered over 631 casualties, but they managed to secure a vital hub leading to Tripoli. The rest of Khalid’s Brigade went off to capture Al-Aziziyah and Jildah, facing little exchange from the garrisons as they withdrew deeper into the capital. The 12th Infantry Brigade was left to take over Musayyah as the 16th Brigade did with Tarhunah on March 20th.
In a career-defining endeavour, Khammas bid his mark on March 23rd: When he took over the defiant city of Misrata in 6 days. Despite facing the well-armed and stubborn Misrata Brigade, his division managed to push them out from the city. Fearing the prospect of heavier resistance as their attempt to regroup in Tripoli, the commander organizes a skirmishing party to harass the retreating convoy. Accompanied by 3 T-14s and 50 Chechens, they were able to decimate a decent chunk, forcing them to reside in Zlitan as they were unable to recover. They were eventually dismantled after the capitulation of the city on April 3rd, with 5,000 men surrendering to the LNA.
Despite securing more vital cities and infrastructures, both sides agreed to a temporary ceasefire due to exhaustion. While the GNA wasted no time regrouping their militias, so did the LNA as they began to reorganize their theatre.
3rd Wave (April 21st - April 28th)
Two days after the ceasefire expired, the LNA immediately initiated their 3rd wave on April 21st. While the 7th Infantry Brigade assaulted from the south, securing neighbouring towns in their wake, the 1st Division marched towards Janzur as he bids his triumph on overwhelming firepower. The 12th Infantry Brigade captured Q.B Ghashir on April 23rd, while the battle for Al-Qasabat lasted until April 25th.
Khattam’s 2nd Division rushed their way towards Tajura; in an attempt to reach Tripoli first. Unlike his peers, who use UAV squadrons for token search-and-destroy missions, the commander took advantage by disrupting enemy reinforcement and providing intelligence concerning local environments. His initiative to form his own recon element provided Mustafa’s forces with an overview of the defences in Qarabulli, which helped him capture the town on April 26th. In turn, he accompanied Khattam’s division in his attempt to rush towards the capital.
The Capitulation of the GNA (April 29th - May 3rd)
On April 29th, all of the defending militias were cornered into the confines of Tripoli. Boasting for a last stand against Haftar’s army, the GNA conscripted many citizens into fortifying the capital: Building barricades and trenches and even garrisoning the frontline.
But despite the rhetoric of a bloody clash, the LNA were ordered to surround its rear rather than launching another assault. Following the advice of his subordinates, Khalifa Haftar delivered an ultimatum: He demanded the garrisons to surrender and apprehend the GNA within the next 72 hours, and in return, the soldiers and their low-ranking officers will be given amnesty; free from any liability of their history with them.
Eventually, the militias submitted to the ultimatum on May 3rd. They expatriated many GNA officials into their custody, some surrendered themselves in hopes of gaining favours under Haftar’s regime. However, few managed to escape by boat from the encroaching army, fleeing to Sicily as they’re the only few to recognize their legitimacy.
After the Unification
After the capitulation of Tripoli, Khalifa Haftar organized a trial against former officials and local dissidents on May 12th. Many condemned the scene as but a mere kangaroo court: Loose allegations pressed against those they considered to be criminals offenders, despite having little to no evidence to back their cases. Some were unfairly sentenced to life imprisonment, confined to the notorious Abu Salim prison.
Despite the backlash from Germany and the United States, Haftar was able to coerce the parliament into titling him as “Great Protector of the Republic”: He was bestowed with the power to propose edicts and intervene and influence decisions made by the Prime Minister and the executive staff. He used this power to expand the LNA’s political influence by reserving top positions to his military adjutants, including the Ministry of Defense and Foreign Affairs.
This newly-found power enabled him to propose the 4-Year Plan: Economic ventures envisioned by both Haftar and his retinues. Many industries were privatized to attract foreign capital, including the Libyan Iron and Steel Company, which enabled the expansion of its steel mill in Misrata and the construction of newer plants in Al-Jawf and Sabha. He also made many ventures in building Libya’s very own defence industry: He attracted many gunsmiths from the Khyber Pass with generous contracts, incentivized local industries with subsidies, and constructed one of Africa’s largest arms factory and munition depot - the Haftar Great Arsenal.
Despite his further ambitions to establish ties with neighbouring countries, his regime lasted for eight months. On December 12th, Khalifa Haftar passed away in his office, diagnosed with a sudden heart attack after years of struggling with old age. His demise left a vacuum of power within the established political structure, splintering the army into severe factionalism. Two days later, the capital plunges into chaotic strife: Being dubbed as the Scourge of Tripoli, 10,000 died under the onslaught between various cliques.
Eventually, Libya shatters into warring factions, paving the lands to radical jihadists and unironic western libertarians. What follows after the scourge torments the lives of its people, plunging the country once again to another civil war.

Description
Brief Timeline of Khalifa Haftar's Operation Unity
Author: Dimitri Vasily - Northern Front
Date: 3rd August 2026
Introduction
On January 2nd, 2020, Prime Minister Fayez Serraj refused to abdicate after facing a motion of no confidence. In an already fragile state that threatens the capital, the General National Accord responded by broadcasting an ultimatum to the Presidential Council and its allies: Remove the Prime Minister from his office or face military intervention in the next 24 hours. Pro-GNA operatives organized a pre-emptive attempt to arrest him but failed due to his early departure to Tunisia.
The revelation of this conspiracy has spiralled Tripoli into mass protests, but many suddenly fled from the capital when it devolved into a series of bloody skirmishes. Pro-GNA and Pro-PC factions funnel into the streets as they begin to clash with each other, with stories of gunfights lasting for 72 hours. The crisis didn’t reach headlines until January 5th, when a journalist published photos of the devastated Martyr’s Square, with the refuse of dead soldiers and scorched trucks scattered throughout the scene.
The crisis coincided with Haftar’s trip to Ankara on January 4th, where he met both Erdogan and Macron to discuss the matters concerning Libya. While brief, the talks resulted in both leaders pledging their support for the Libyan National Army and recognizing Tobruk’s House of Representatives as the legitimate government. With the military and diplomatic support provided by two major powers, the marshal took advantage by hastily expanding his army’s capabilities.
As Western Libya begins to lose support from neighbouring countries, the LNA launched a massive military build-up on February 21st. Preceding Zaim’s reunification of Western Libya, Khalifa Haftar waged one of the largest military offensives in Libyan history. His takeover of the region will culminate into a short-lived but eccentric regime, eventually falling into chaos again after his death.
Strength of the LNA
In comparison to the General National Accord, the Libyan National Army has transformed from a ragtag coalition of loose soldiers and mercenaries to a professional force; capable of waging complex tactics and maneuvers at Khalifa Haftar’s behest.
Their numbers have exceeded from 80,000 to 110,000 men, in conjunction with his plans to take over the west. With this in mind, the LNA announced the formation of two divisions in hopes to serve as a shock element, simply named the 1st and 2nd Division. And despite the rhetoric against foreign influence, many foreign volunteers funnelled into the frontline to serve as auxiliaries, with the majority originating from Syria, Sudan, and Turkey.
With major countries providing the army with heavy guns and vehicles, most of their military are mechanized and capable of transporting troops from one city at another. Most of its heavy arsenal are requisitioned to the experienced divisions to reinforce their capabilities against the enemy defence. The brigades also acquired a token amount of tanks, while technicals and rugged IFVs took up the majority of its mechanized core.
The LNA’s greatest asset, however, lies over their experienced officers. Hardened by their encounters with Daesh forces in Sirte and pro-GNA tribal militias across Fezzan, their previous campaign produces commanders such as Khalid Ibn Khammas and Mahmoud Mustafa. Their history of ingenuity and decisiveness convinced Khalifa Haftar to assign them to Operation Unity, serving as commanders of the two new divisions.
Benefactors of Khalifa Haftar
The political fallout caused by Fayez Serraj pushed many countries to pivot towards Tobruk’s House of Representatives. Despite threats from the United States, the Libyan National Army receives generous support ranging from logistical supplies to foreign volunteers.
Being the earliest supporters of the LNA, Russia provided Haftar with heavy armour and mercenaries. Libya is one of the first countries to receive token numbers of T-14 Armatas: Albeit driven by Russian volunteers, 10 of these tanks were fielded to the frontlines to provide reports of their performance, with official accounts lauding its protection system and maneuverability. After testimonies of religious desecration by the Wagner Group reached headlines, they were quietly replaced with the Kadyrovites - Chechnya’s paramilitary forces and Ramzan Kadyrov’s personal army: Far more disciplined and religiously sensitive compared to their disorganized former.
Initially reluctant to support the LNA with military aides, Turkey eventually provided them with logistical assets and auxiliaries. They were notorious for volunteering the 3rd “Hawk” and 11th “Dragon” Squadrons, one of the first formalized formations of Turkish UAVs: their contributions are essential over operations across the Western Libyan theatre, disrupting enemy reinforcements and committing search-and-destroy missions against vital infrastructures. Turkey also provides foreign volunteers, but less reputable compared to their Chechen equivalents.
Despite the condemnations from countries such as Germany and the United States, France provided the LNA with intelligence and diplomatic support. Macron legitimized Khalifa Haftar and the House of Representatives in front of the 2020 World Economic Forum, with Erdogan and Putin supporting his statement. However, while denying any accusations of providing military support, local testimonies suggest sightings of French operators: one witness - a Burkinese fluent in French, describes a bunch of white tourists speaking in the same language, despite the evacuation of all French citizens in the country.
Timeline of Operation Unity
1st Wave (Feb. 25th - March 9th)
Operation Unity was launched on February 25th, starting its first wave towards both Bu Kammash and Tawergha. While facing no resistance in Al-Assa, the 1st Division faced its first encounter in the Battle of Zuwarah: the exchanges were brief, lasting for only 5 hours until the garrisons retreated to Sabratah. Mustafa’s 16th Infantry Brigade was greeted by tribal netizens of Wishtata on March 3rd, which abhorred GNA rule since the fall of Gaddafi. Khammas 2nd division secured the abandoned town of Tawegha by the end of March 9th, establishing a staging ground for their future offensive against Misrata.
In these first days of the operation, Turkish UAVs were instrumental in securing many towns and villages. Assisting Hussain's Division, the 3rd Squadron prevented GNA forces from relieving Zuwarah with reinforcements, allowing Hussain to easily capture Zuwarah. 11th Squadron also played a vital role in Khammas’ offensive towards Tawergha by preventing the approaching Misrata Brigade from taking over the town.
2nd Wave (March 11th - April 6th)
On March 11th, the LNA initiated a second wave to pressure the defending forces. Hussain’s 1st Division and a small detachment of Khalid’s 7th Infantry Brigade joined forces to capture Sabratah and Az-Zawiyah: Resistance was fierce as they suffered over 631 casualties, but they managed to secure a vital hub leading to Tripoli. The rest of Khalid’s Brigade went off to capture Al-Aziziyah and Jildah, facing little exchange from the garrisons as they withdrew deeper into the capital. The 12th Infantry Brigade was left to take over Musayyah as the 16th Brigade did with Tarhunah on March 20th.
In a career-defining endeavour, Khammas bid his mark on March 23rd: When he took over the defiant city of Misrata in 6 days. Despite facing the well-armed and stubborn Misrata Brigade, his division managed to push them out from the city. Fearing the prospect of heavier resistance as their attempt to regroup in Tripoli, the commander organizes a skirmishing party to harass the retreating convoy. Accompanied by 3 T-14s and 50 Chechens, they were able to decimate a decent chunk, forcing them to reside in Zlitan as they were unable to recover. They were eventually dismantled after the capitulation of the city on April 3rd, with 5,000 men surrendering to the LNA.
Despite securing more vital cities and infrastructures, both sides agreed to a temporary ceasefire due to exhaustion. While the GNA wasted no time regrouping their militias, so did the LNA as they began to reorganize their theatre.
3rd Wave (April 21st - April 28th)
Two days after the ceasefire expired, the LNA immediately initiated their 3rd wave on April 21st. While the 7th Infantry Brigade assaulted from the south, securing neighbouring towns in their wake, the 1st Division marched towards Janzur as he bids his triumph on overwhelming firepower. The 12th Infantry Brigade captured Q.B Ghashir on April 23rd, while the battle for Al-Qasabat lasted until April 25th.
Khattam’s 2nd Division rushed their way towards Tajura; in an attempt to reach Tripoli first. Unlike his peers, who use UAV squadrons for token search-and-destroy missions, the commander took advantage by disrupting enemy reinforcement and providing intelligence concerning local environments. His initiative to form his own recon element provided Mustafa’s forces with an overview of the defences in Qarabulli, which helped him capture the town on April 26th. In turn, he accompanied Khattam’s division in his attempt to rush towards the capital.
The Capitulation of the GNA (April 29th - May 3rd)
On April 29th, all of the defending militias were cornered into the confines of Tripoli. Boasting for a last stand against Haftar’s army, the GNA conscripted many citizens into fortifying the capital: Building barricades and trenches and even garrisoning the frontline.
But despite the rhetoric of a bloody clash, the LNA were ordered to surround its rear rather than launching another assault. Following the advice of his subordinates, Khalifa Haftar delivered an ultimatum: He demanded the garrisons to surrender and apprehend the GNA within the next 72 hours, and in return, the soldiers and their low-ranking officers will be given amnesty; free from any liability of their history with them.
Eventually, the militias submitted to the ultimatum on May 3rd. They expatriated many GNA officials into their custody, some surrendered themselves in hopes of gaining favours under Haftar’s regime. However, few managed to escape by boat from the encroaching army, fleeing to Sicily as they’re the only few to recognize their legitimacy.
After the Unification
After the capitulation of Tripoli, Khalifa Haftar organized a trial against former officials and local dissidents on May 12th. Many condemned the scene as but a mere kangaroo court: Loose allegations pressed against those they considered to be criminals offenders, despite having little to no evidence to back their cases. Some were unfairly sentenced to life imprisonment, confined to the notorious Abu Salim prison.
Despite the backlash from Germany and the United States, Haftar was able to coerce the parliament into titling him as “Great Protector of the Republic”: He was bestowed with the power to propose edicts and intervene and influence decisions made by the Prime Minister and the executive staff. He used this power to expand the LNA’s political influence by reserving top positions to his military adjutants, including the Ministry of Defense and Foreign Affairs.
This newly-found power enabled him to propose the 4-Year Plan: Economic ventures envisioned by both Haftar and his retinues. Many industries were privatized to attract foreign capital, including the Libyan Iron and Steel Company, which enabled the expansion of its steel mill in Misrata and the construction of newer plants in Al-Jawf and Sabha. He also made many ventures in building Libya’s very own defence industry: He attracted many gunsmiths from the Khyber Pass with generous contracts, incentivized local industries with subsidies, and constructed one of Africa’s largest arms factory and munition depot - the Haftar Great Arsenal.
Despite his further ambitions to establish ties with neighbouring countries, his regime lasted for eight months. On December 12th, Khalifa Haftar passed away in his office, diagnosed with a sudden heart attack after years of struggling with old age. His demise left a vacuum of power within the established political structure, splintering the army into severe factionalism. Two days later, the capital plunges into chaotic strife: Being dubbed as the Scourge of Tripoli, 10,000 died under the onslaught between various cliques.
Eventually, Libya shatters into warring factions, paving the lands to radical jihadists and unironic western libertarians. What follows after the scourge torments the lives of its people, plunging the country once again to another civil war.